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                                                                                                                                                                                                     ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ‪ 16‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ‪ 22‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪1394‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ‬

‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻴﻜﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬                                                                                                                                                               ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 111‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬           ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬                                                                                                                                     ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ‬

‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬              ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬                                                                                                                 ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬
                                                 ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺎﻛﺶ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻴﺎﺭﺑﻬﺮﻧﮓ‬                                                                                                                ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬                                                                                                                                                                ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬
                                                                                        ‫ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﭼﺎپ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ‬                                                                 ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺡ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬      ‫»ﺷﺮﻉ« ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺷﺮﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺪﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻔﺮﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻯ‬                                     ‫ﻣﻈﻔﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ‬
                                                ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬                                  ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1285‬ﻫﺠﺮﻯ ﺷﻤﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬           ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻠﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻭﺝ ﻇﻠﻢ‬                         ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
                                                ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻧﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻛﻌﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻡ؟« ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‬                             ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺃﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻮﻛﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻮﺡ‬                                                                                                                                      ‫ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‬  ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻮﺩﮔﻰ ﻗﺎﻃﺒﻪ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ‬
                                                                                                                                                                                                     ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻴﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻝ ﻣﺠﺎﻭﺭﻩ‬                                                                                                                                                                 ‫ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺍﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬
                                                                                                                                                                                                     ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﻗﻮﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ‬                                                                                                                                                              ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺒﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﻫﺰﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ‬
                                                                                                                                                                                                     ‫ﺍﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻛﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻚ ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬    ‫ﻣﻣ ّﻠّﺮﺍﺖﺕ‬                                                                                                                                                       ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﻗﻮﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﺨﻼﻓﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﻬﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺍ ّﻻ‬                                                                                                                                                                   ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ… ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬
                                                                                                                                                                                                     ‫ﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﻻﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ‬                                                                                                                                                                   ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﻪ ﻗﺎﻃﺒﻪ‬
                                                                                                                                                                                                     ‫ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻴﻬﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﻬﺎﺕ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ‬                                                                                                                                                                    ‫ﻋﺮﺽ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺷﺢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻧﻨﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﺮ ﺧﻄﺮ‬                                                                                                                                                                           ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ…«‪.‬‬
                                                                                                                                                                                                     ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﺩﻯﻣﺎﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ«‪) .‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪(426‬‬                                                                                                                                                                ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ«‬
                                                                                                                                                                                                     ‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ‬
           ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻪ‬                                                                                                                                                                           ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ‬
                                                                                                                                                                                                     ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ‬
‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ‬                                                                                                                                                                       ‫ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻰ‬                                                                                                                                                                  ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬                                                                                                                                                               ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‬
‫ﻛﻴﻔﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ‬                                                                                                                                                                 ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺷﻚ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ‬                                                                                                                                                                  ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﻴﺦ‬                                                                                                                                                                ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ‬                                                                                                                                                              ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻪﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ » ﺩﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ )ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ‬                                                                                                                                                                      ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ « ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬
                                                                                                                                                                                                     ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺨﺮﺝ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬
            ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ‪ -‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺷﻬﺒﺎﺯﻯ(‪.‬‬                                                                                                                                                                  ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬                                                                                                                                                              ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ )ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ( ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻪﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬                                                                                                                                                                ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬                                                                                                                                                                    ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬
‫ﻭ »ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﺲ‬                                                                                                                                                                 ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ‬
‫ﺷﮕﺮﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬                                                                                                                                                                 ‫ﻧﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ‬                                                                                                                                                                   ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺱﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ )ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ (1348‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬                                                                                                                                                                   ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺗﻼﺵ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬                                                                                                                                                               ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ )ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺰﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬                                                                                                                                                               ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬                                                                                                                                                                   ‫»ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻰ« ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ‬                                                                                                                                                                             ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻛﺪﻳﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ(‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﺲ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺟﻤﺎ ًﻻ‬                                                                                                                                                                 ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬                                                                                                                                                           ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺩﺭﻧﮓ ﺗﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬                                                                                                                                                               ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﺣﺸﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬                                                                                                                                                               ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ 57‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬                                                                                                                                                                ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﺘﺶ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬                                                                                                                                                             ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻰ‬
‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎً‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‬
‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬
 ‫ﻭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ » ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ « ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺎﻩﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 57‬ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬

            ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻰ‬                        ‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ‬           ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺁﻭﻳﺨﺘﻪ‬                ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ‬                                       ‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء‬
                                                                                                                ‫ﺷﺪ‬                                                                                   ‫ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬
‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ‬                         ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1357‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪ‬                                                                               ‫ﻣﻈﻔﺮﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺷﺎﻩ‬                               ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬                                                        ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﻨﺖ ﻧﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪،‬‬                                                               ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬
‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻓﻘﻬﻰ ﺍﻭ‬           ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺿﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻀﻠﻪ‬      ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‪،‬‬      ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬                   ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪ :‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺎﺋﻴﺪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ« ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬           ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ‬       ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ«‪) .‬ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ‬       ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ » :‬ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬
‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻰ )ﻛﻪ‬             ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ« )ﺳﻨﺘﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬    ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻪ – ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ(‬            ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬                               ‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺍﺑﻮﻃﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ(‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬          ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺋﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ ‪-‬ﻋﻠﻰﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﺣﻘﺪﺍﺭ(‪.‬‬                                                    ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‬                ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ » :‬ﻣﻰ‬          ‫ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ »ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻴﺖ«‬                           ‫ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬                   ‫ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﻣﻘ ّﻨﻨﻪ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ‬               ‫ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﻧﻰ ﻻﺋﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ‬
‫ﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﻯ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬             ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎء ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬                                                     ‫ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘ ًﻼ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺁﺭﺍء‬           ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬
‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬       ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ »ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻴﻪ« ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬       ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺭﺳﺘﻢ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬          ‫ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻰ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻮﻝ ﻧﺎﻗﺼﻪ‬                   ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬           ‫ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬     ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ )ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ‬           ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺁﻥ‬                    ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺟﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‬            ‫»ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬     ‫ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺟﻰ‬             ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻉ ﺍﻃﻬﺮ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﻜﻮ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ‬              ‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻗﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﺳﻪ‬            ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﺧﻠﻴﻞ( ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ‬              ‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﺴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺘﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‬                   ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ »ﻣﺠﻠﺲ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮﻯ‬                ‫ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﺣﺴﻦ‬       ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ » :‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬       ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ‬               ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ‬       ‫ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬      ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬       ‫ﺩﻭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺸﺆﻭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻳّﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﻜﻨﻪ‬               ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬
‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻻﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻰ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ‬             ‫ﺭﺍ »ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ« ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺷﻨﻪ‬      ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺫﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻛﻪ‬     ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮ‬                  ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺷﻴﺦ‬         ‫ﺁﺷﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺘﻰ‬       ‫ﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ… ﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﺸﻢ‬                                                                ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ‪ 5‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ‬
‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻮﺳﺲ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻓﻢ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬             ‫ﺑﻬﺎءﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺡ ﺧﻮﺩ )ﻟﻮﺡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ( ﺧﻄﺎﺏ‬   ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﺎﺩ« )ﻓﺼﻠﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬                         ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺬﺏ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬                    ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻖ ﻭﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﺑﻮﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ‬           ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ‬                                                      ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‬                 ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ…«‪.‬‬         ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬                      ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪.(38‬‬        ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬                   ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ‬                  ‫)ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﺭﻩ ]= ﻟﻨﺪﻥ[ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬  ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ‬              ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬             ‫»ﻓﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺘﻰ‬
‫ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬            ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺴﻚ ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰ ﺁﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬        ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬         ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻛﺸﻒ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺍﺩ‬            ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬
‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ‬            ‫ﻧﻮﺭ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﺖ ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺰﻳّﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ(‬     ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﺍﻳﺴﺘﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬       ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ‬                 ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﻓﻘﻪ« ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬       ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬         ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﷲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‬          ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺷﺎﺭﻉ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ‬                       ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬             ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺧﻮﺷﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ‬     ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺑﻰﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ﺿﺎﻟّﻪ‬       ‫ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻘﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ‬             ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ‬
                                                ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬       ‫ﻭ ﻣﻀ ّﻠﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻟﻄﻤﻪ‬        ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺎﺹ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻭ ﻛﻔﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺣﻜﻢ‬                   ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ »ﺭﺍﻯ« ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﺎ‬
                                                                                             ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎ ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ‬  ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻙ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﻭﻣﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ‬
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