Page 1 - (کیهان لندن - سال سى و دوم ـ شماره ۴۱ (دوره جديد

‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ‪:‬‬
‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ‬
‫ﻣﺼﺒﺎ ﺡ ﺯ ﺍ ﺩ ﻩ‬

‫)‪ 16‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪ(‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ـ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪) 41‬ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ(‬
‫‪Page 1‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ‪ 18‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 24‬ﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪1394‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ‬

‫ﺮ ﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﺶ‬
‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ » ﺭﻫﺒﺮ« ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻭ‬
‫» ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﺖ« ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬
‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬
‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ »ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ« ﻭ »ﺩﻳﻦ« ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻩﺍﻻﻭﻟﻴﺎ«ﻯ ﻋﻄﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﻧﻬﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫‪©Reuters‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‪:‬‬
‫ﺫﻛﺮ »ﺭﺍﺑﻌﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤ ِﻊ ﺷﻴﻮﺥ ﻭ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺰﺍﻭﺍﺭ ﺗﺄﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻄﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ »ﺫﻛﺮ ﺭﺍﺑﻌﻪ« ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻒ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺭ ﻭ ﺍ ﺑﻂ ﺟﻤﻬﻮ ﺭ ﻯ ﺍ ﺳﻼ ﻣﻰ ﻭ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‪ ...‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻰ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑُ َﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ «.‬ﻋﻄﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ‪ 47‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻛﻰ ﻣﺎﻧَﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺳﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻯ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬
‫ﻣﺒﻠﻐﺎﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ »ﺭﺍﺑﻌﻪ« ﺩﺳﺘﺒﺮﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻄﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺭﺍﺑﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻧﻤﺮ‬
‫ﻭ ﺛﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﺮﺍﻟﻨﻤﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﻰ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﭘﺲ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﺜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺝ ﻧﺒﻮﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻕ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ‬
‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺮ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﭘﻴﻐﻤﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺯﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺑﻌﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻜﻦ َﻣﻨﻰ ]ﻣﻨ ّﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻜ ّﺒﺮ[ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺎ ﺭﺑﻜﻢ ﺍﻻﻋﻠﻰ ]ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻋﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﺮ[‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺯﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺯﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻣﺨﻨﺚ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺩﻳﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍ ﻋﺘﺮ ﺍ ﺽ ﺑﺴﻴﺎ ﺭ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺭ ﻫﺒﺮ ﺍ ﻥ‬
‫ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺑﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺯﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ »ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻰ‬
‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺳﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺴﻮﻟﮕﺮﻯ‬
‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺑﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ »ﺭﺟﺎﻝ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﻴﺪ »ﺭﺟﺎﻝ« ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩ ﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎ ﺗﻴﻚ ﺷﺎ ﻥ ﺭ ﻭ ﺍ ﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺳﻰ‬
‫‪ 5‬ﻭ ‪ 107‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ »ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻣﺖ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬
‫»ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺠﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺑﺮ« ﻭ »ﺭﻫﺒﺮ« ﻭ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ 109‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ« ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﺮﻃﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ ﺫﻛﺮ‬
‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﻫﻔﺘﻪﺭﺍﺩﺭﺻﻔﺤﺔ‪2‬ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬
‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬
‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺯﻧﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ »ﻓﻘﻴﻪ« ﻭ »ﺭﻫﺒﺮ« ﻭ‬
‫»ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ« ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ »ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻣﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﻰ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻻﻳﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻁ »ﺭﺟﺎﻝ« ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺎﻫﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﻴﺪﻯ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ!‬
‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ! ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ‬
‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻌﻪ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻛﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ »ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎ« ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ّﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻋﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻩﺍﻻﻭﻟﻴﺎﻯ ﻋﻄﺎﺭ!‬

‫ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺟﻤﺸﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺪﻯ‪:‬‬

‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪4‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺟﻨﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻮﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪10‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪3‬‬ ‫ﺬ ﺖ ﺷﺎﺪ ﺖ‬ ‫ﻨﺎ‬
‫ﺷﺐﺯﻧﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭﺟﻬﺮﻣﻰ‪،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪‬ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫‪‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪1‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ا ﺮفﭘﮫﻮی ﻪ‪٧‬‬
‫ﺷﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻰ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻩﺟﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒ ًﺎ ﻧﻴﻢﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬
‫ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ‪ 6 ،‬ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ »ﺑﺎﺯﻯ«ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪11‬‬
‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫‪‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻯ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪2015‬‬
‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ‪ 1‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪4‬‬
‫‪» 3‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻌﺒﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‬
‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ«ﻣﺮﺟﻊﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪12‬‬ ‫‪‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ‬
‫ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦﻣﺠﻠﺲﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪2‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻰ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫‪‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥﺩﺭﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﺑﺎﺷﺮﻭﻳﻦﻧﻜﻮﻳﻰ‬
‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪5‬‬
‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻰ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ‬
‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪13‬‬ ‫‪‬ﻟﻐﻮ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬

‫‪‬ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻣﻰ ‪-‬ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪ -‬ﺳﻮﺩﻭﻛﻮ‬ ‫»ﻳﺎﻟﺜﺎﺭﺍﺕ«‬
‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪14‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪6‬‬

‫‪‬ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﺪﻛﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫‪‬ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‪ :‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬

‫ﻃﻼﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ‪ -‬ﻣﻬ ِﺮ ﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻳﺪ‬
‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪15‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ!‬
‫ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪ 8‬ﻭ ‪9‬‬
‫‪‬ﺳﻴﺮ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ‪:‬‬
‫‪»‬ﺯﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ« ﻭ »ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﻭﺯ«‬
‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬

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‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‬

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