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‫آﺧﺮﯾﻦ وﯾﺪﺋﻮﻫﺎی ﺧﱪی در ﻟﻨﺰ اﯾﺮان‬ ‫‪KAYHAN LONDON ONLINE‬‬

‫‪www.lenziran.com‬‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﮔﻬﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ‬
‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬
‫‪Page 16‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ )ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ( ـ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 23‬ـ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ‪ 6‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1394‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪16‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪:‬‬
‫‪ 13‬ﺫﻯ ﺍﻟﻘﻌﺪﻩ ‪ 1436‬ﻗﻤﺮﻯ ـ ‪ 28‬ﺍﻭﺕ ‪ 2015‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ‬
‫ﻛﻴﻬـﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻬـﺎ ِﻥ ﻟﻨـﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻬـﺎ ِﻥ‬
‫‪No.23 Friday 28 August 2015‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺗـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧـﺪﻩ ﻧـﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻳـﺪ‬
‫‪P.O. Box 435,Old Brompton Road 2,London, SW7 3DQ‬‬
‫‪Tel: +(44)-(0)20 3633 3684 Fax: +(44)-(0)20 3633 3685‬‬ ‫‪www.kayhan.london‬‬
‫‪e-mail: [email protected] - www.kayhanlondon.london‬‬ ‫‪[email protected]‬‬

‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫‪©Reuters‬‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1390‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬
‫ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻋﺶ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺧﺸﻦ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﺮ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﻠﻴﭗ ﻫﺎﻣﻮﻧﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺣﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ‬
‫ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ«‬
‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻣﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻰﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﭘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬
‫ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﭘﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺴﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ -‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺖ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻓﺨﻴﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ‪28‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬
‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ 57‬ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻃﻨﺰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ »ﺩﺍﺋﻰ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﭘﻠﺌﻮﻥ« ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ -‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫‪ ‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺗﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬
‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫‪©Reuters‬‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬
‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻋﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬
‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬
‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻴﮕﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﻴﺮﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ‬
‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﻣﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﺭﺍﻣﺮﺗﻔﻊﻛﻨﺪﻭﺩﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ‪ -‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ »ﺣﺮﻑ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬
‫ﺳﻼﺡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺟﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬
‫ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫‪ ‬ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻓﻴﻠﻴﭗ ﻫﺎﻣﻮﻧﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﻧﻤﻴﺰﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻨﮓ ﭼﺮﺍ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰﻣﻴﻜﻨﻴﺪ؟‬
‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ -‬ﺑﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻓﻬﻤﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻀﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫‪‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬
‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻓﺘﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺘﻰ )‪ (City‬ﻣﻴﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ؟ ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﺣﺠﺖ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‬
‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ -‬ﺑﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‬
‫ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ »ﺳﻴﺘﻰ« ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ‪ 4‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻓﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬
‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻌﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‬
‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ -‬ﺑﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭﻳﺰﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬
‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ -‬ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻴﺪﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺻﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺳﻴﺪﻛﻪﻫﻴﭻﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻯﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪﻭﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ‪ -‬ﺑﺎﺧﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙﺑﺎﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺑﻪﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭﻳﺰﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻰ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ ﺑﺰﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺐ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺎﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺑﺘﻬﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺸﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺒﻰ‬
‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬
‫ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻻﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬
‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺜﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫‪‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻍ ﻗﻠﻬﻚ ]ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬
‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ[ ﻭ‬
‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭﻳﺰﺍﻯ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺑﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ‬
‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻯ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻗﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬
‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬
‫ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺗﻬﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬
‫ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫‪ -‬ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎﺍﻳﻦﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪﭘﺮﺍﺧﺖ‬
‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫‪‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭﺣﺘﻰ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﻤﺒﻠﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬
‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ«‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ‬
‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻧﺮﻡ‬
‫ﻣﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬
‫ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ »ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ« ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﻭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬
‫ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬
‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭﻯ‬
‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬
‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬
‫ﺗﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ‬
‫ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻨﺸﻬﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ‬

‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪15‬‬

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