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                 ‫ﺁﻧﺘﻮﻧﻰ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻮﻧﺰ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬

‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‪،‬ﻧﻘﻄﺔﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﺑﺮﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩﺁﻏﺎﺯﻛﺮﺩ‬

       ‫ﺁﻧﺘﻮﻧﻰ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻮﻧﺰ‬               ‫ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﻧﺴﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻦ‬           ‫ﻫﺮﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ـ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬        ‫ﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ »ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﻓﺖ«‬
                                    ‫ﺧﻠﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻰ‬        ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺴﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻥ‬                                                      ‫ﻭ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺁﻣﺪ«‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬     ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ‬      ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬       ‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬   ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺎﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‬            ‫ﺳﺮ ﺁﻧﺘﻮﻧﻰ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻮﻧﺰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻼﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬      ‫ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﺓ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﻣﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬  ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ‬            ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻭﻝ‬                                                                  ‫ﭼﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬        ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺩﻭﻡ‬                                   ‫ﺩﺳﺖﺑﻪﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬        ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﻥ‬           ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻪﻋﻠﺖ ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬      ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻮﻧﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺼﻞ‬                                                                   ‫ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻮﻧﺰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ« ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺎﻫﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬        ‫ﺁﺧﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺳﺨﻦ ﺁﺧﺮ« ﻳﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ‬                    ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬          ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬     ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ‬         ‫ﻣﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺘﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ‬              ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ‬
‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺣﺠﻢ‬        ‫ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﻣﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﺓ ﺑﻰﻏﺮﺽ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﺟﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺩ‪.‬‬       ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‬           ‫ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ‬                                                                ‫ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺓ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﺶ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬             ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ـ ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻼﺷﻰ‬
‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻯ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ‬                                         ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪...‬‬
‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ )ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ‬         ‫ﺗﺰﻟﺰﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬    ‫ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ‬         ‫ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ‬              ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﺓ‬                     ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﺁﺧﺮ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬  ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬                     ‫ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬      ‫ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬       ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬
‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ( ﻭ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ )ﻛﻪ‬         ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺮﺍﺵ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ‪،‬‬                                                 ‫ﺷﺼﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺟﻠﻮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ‬       ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻮﭘﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬         ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ )ﻭ ﻧﺸﺪ(‬
‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ(‬         ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬        ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬          ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭژﻳﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬     ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬            ‫ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ‬
‫ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬      ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬        ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﺎً ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﺟﺴﻮﺭ‬          ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ‬            ‫ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ‬            ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ )ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺣﺮﺍﺭﺕﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬          ‫‪ 1941‬ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﺒﺖ‬             ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﺣﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻬﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻧﺶ‬         ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻫﺠﺪﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬          ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬      ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬         ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﻰ‬             ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻰ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬        ‫ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻭﺳﻄﺎﺋﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺼﺖ‬                           ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ‪...‬‬
‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ( ﺻﺮﻑ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ‬           ‫ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬      ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ‬    ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬       ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﺔ‬       ‫ﺗﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﺱ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻴﻮﺕ‬
                                    ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬     ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻭ‬      ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬
                                    ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬      ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ﺭﺅﺳﺎﻯ ﻋﺸﺎﻳﺮ ﻭ‬         ‫ﻣﻰﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬                            ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬       ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎً ﻭﺍژﺓ‬
                                    ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬         ‫ﺍﻳﻼﺕ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬       ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬       ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬            ‫»ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ‬
                                                                          ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬     ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺷﺼﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ‬           ‫‪79‬ـ ‪ 1978‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‬          ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﺔ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1978‬ﻭ ‪ 1979‬ﺩﺭ‬
                                                     ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬    ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺗﺄﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬  ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ‬       ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ‬
                                                                          ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻯ ‪ 1920‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‬           ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬      ‫ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‬                ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪.‬‬
                                    ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪،‬‬           ‫ﻭ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ‬     ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ‬        ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬         ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺯﻟﺰﻟﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
                                    ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬    ‫ﺑﻮﺩ )ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬      ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩﻯ‬          ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬         ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬
                                    ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ‬           ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬           ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬      ‫ـ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺳﻼﻃﻴﻦ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ‬          ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ‬
                                    ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬        ‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬      ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬         ‫ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬       ‫ﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪،‬‬
                                    ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ‬          ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬         ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬         ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ‬  ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬
                                    ‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬            ‫ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ( ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﺑﻪ‬        ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬              ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻃﻰ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬        ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻌﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻴﻢﺗﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬
                                    ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬      ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬                                           ‫ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ‬      ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬
                                                                                                                                                                                               ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺷﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ‬
                                                                                                                                                                                               ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﺮﻑ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬      ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﻰ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‬        ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬       ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬       ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‬        ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬    ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬       ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻭﺳﻄﺎﺋﻰ‬      ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬            ‫ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬        ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪،‬‬
‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﻪﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬            ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺓ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬           ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬      ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ‬          ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﻥ‬           ‫ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬
                                    ‫ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬         ‫ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﺔ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬        ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬    ‫ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬
             ‫***‬                    ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ‬          ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪﺍﺵ ﺁﺗﺎﺗﻮﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ‬      ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬  ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬                               ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬            ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﭙﺮﻯ‬        ‫ﺟﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻬﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ‬        ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬     ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬       ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺳﺒﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻖ‬        ‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﺔ‬           ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬        ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ‬          ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬         ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ‬    ‫‪ 1960‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬     ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ‬      ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬       ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬       ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻨﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﺷﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬      ‫ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ‬     ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬        ‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪﭘﺎﺧﺎﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺳﺖ‬       ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬       ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻜﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻨﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬          ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ‬          ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺁﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺑﺸﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ‬       ‫ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬        ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺧﺸﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﺣﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬      ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻼﻣﻨﺎﺯﻉ‬        ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬             ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬     ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺸﻦ‬                                 ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ‬    ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬  ‫ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1941‬ﻛﻪ‬            ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ‬        ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬    ‫ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎً ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬    ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬           ‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ‬       ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬     ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬   ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬          ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1973‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬         ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ‬       ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬        ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬    ‫ـ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻠﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻋﺘﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‬   ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ‬            ‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ‬         ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ‬            ‫ﻳﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬    ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻠﻰ ﺧﻨﺜﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬   ‫ﻛﻴﻨﻪﺗﻮﺯ ﻭ ﺁﺷﺘﻰﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‬    ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬       ‫ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬           ‫ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺴﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﺣﺎﻝ‬    ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬
‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ‬     ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻨﺜﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ‬        ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬        ‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬           ‫ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ‬       ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬
‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬        ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‬        ‫ﺁﺗﺎﺗﻮﺭﻙ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ‬                                                  ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻼﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻯ‬      ‫ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1973‬ﺑﻪﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬     ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﻼﻛﻴﻦ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬          ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ‬                            ‫ﺑﻰﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬         ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬       ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﭘﻴﺸﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻋﻰ‬       ‫ﻭ ﺭﺅﺳﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻋﺸﺎﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬       ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ‬         ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‬               ‫ﺳﻬﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬           ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ‬     ‫ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻃﺒﻘﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ‬       ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ‬  ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﭘﺲ‬             ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ‬          ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬
                                    ‫ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬        ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ‬          ‫ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬            ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﺓ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ‬      ‫ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬
           ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬    ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ‬    ‫ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬           ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ‬                                             ‫ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﻜﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ‬     ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬        ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﺶ‬          ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﻼﻃﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬                  ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬        ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺭﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬    ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬         ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬         ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬         ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬         ‫ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﺿﺮﺑﺔ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬       ‫ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬             ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﺓ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬      ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻭ‬          ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1906‬ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯ‬         ‫ﻋﺸﺎﻳﺮ ﺳﺮﻛﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬       ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ‬          ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬      ‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬          ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬            ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬
‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬           ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺑﺸﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ‬        ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺎﻣﺖ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻯ‬            ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﻯ‬           ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬            ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ‬        ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬        ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺠﺪﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‬          ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻛﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻰ‬     ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ‬     ‫ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ‬          ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬          ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺗﺎﺗﻮﺭﻙ‬          ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﻨﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬     ‫ﺷﺪ ﺑﻜﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺛﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬       ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬
‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ‬      ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻜﺎﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ‬    ‫ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻩ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎً ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬         ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ‬      ‫ﺍﺯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬        ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩﻯ‬
‫ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬        ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ‪،‬‬        ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬     ‫ﺑﻴﺮﺣﻤﺎﻧﺔ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬        ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬      ‫ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‬        ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬       ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬       ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺤﺎء‬          ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬        ‫ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ‬
‫ﻭ ﺗﺠﻤﻞ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ‬         ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬     ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺁﺗﺎﺗﻮﺭﻙ‬         ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﺑﺠﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬       ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ‬          ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬     ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬        ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻯ ‪ 1950‬ﺑﻪﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬          ‫ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ‬      ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻯ‬        ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﻗﺒﻴﻞ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺍﻝﮔﺮﺍﺋﻴﺪ‬    ‫ﻭ ﺍﺗﻜﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎﻯ‬        ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬          ‫ﻛﺲ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺭﻓﺖ‬           ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻰ‬          ‫ﻓﺌﻮﺩﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻛﻴﻦ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺭﺅﺳﺎﻯ‬
‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺟﺰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻭ‬        ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬              ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ‬       ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬         ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬         ‫ﻋﺸﺎﻳﺮ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﻣﻰﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩﻯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻤﻨﺪ‬          ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂﻣﺸﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬           ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ‬     ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻗﻠﻊ ﻭ ﻗﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬        ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ‬         ‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺎﺋﻞ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ‬                                                                                ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ‬                                                 ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1978‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ‬
                                                                                                                                                                              ‫ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬       ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬
              ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻼﺷﻰ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
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