Page 16 - (کیهان لندن - سال سى و سوم ـ شماره ۸ (دوره جديد

‫آﺧﺮﯾﻦ وﯾﺪﺋﻮﻫﺎی ﺧﱪی در ﻟﻨﺰ اﯾﺮان‬ ‫‪KAYHAN LONDON ONLINE‬‬ ‫ﺖو ﻢارد ﻣﺎه‬

‫‪www.lenziran.com‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ـ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪) 8‬ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ(‬ ‫روز ر ﺪا ﺖﺣ ﻢﻋ ﯿﺎم‬
‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ‪ 15‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 21‬ﻣﻰ ‪ 2015‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ‬
‫‪Page 16‬‬ ‫ا ﯽﺑﺎد‬

‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪16‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬

‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﺭﻯ‬

‫‪‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‪ /‬ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻯ ﻧﻪ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻨﺶ‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮ« ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ 57‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪،‬‬
‫‪-‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ« ﺳﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻻﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﺮﻯ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺧﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬
‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺤﻰ‬ ‫‪-‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫‪-‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺋﺰ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﺶ‬
‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻰ ﺷﻚ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 5+1‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬
‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‬
‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬
‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻜﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬
‫ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻨﺞ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻜﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬
‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ‪ 1400‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺣﺞ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1987‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1366‬ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺯ ّﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 400‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬
‫‪‬ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 400‬ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬
‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬
‫‪-‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻣﺮگ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬
‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺻﻴﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻼﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻝ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ‬

‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ -‬ﺑﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ!‬
‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ )ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺻﻴﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪-‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ 57‬ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺛﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ‬
‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ( ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻜﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺧﻢ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺛﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻭﭘﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ‬
‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ »ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻰ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻋﺶ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺋﻤﺔ ﺣﻖـ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﺳﻼﻡﺍ ّﷲـ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻮﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﺠﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬
‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﻭﭘﻚ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ« ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻯ ﻫﻢﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻋﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬
‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ‬
‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻝ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﺋﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1973‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬
‫ﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻡ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻟﻬﻰـ ﻟﻌﻨﻪﺍ ّﷲ ﻭ ﻣﻼﺋﻜﺘﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬
‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺳﻠﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢـ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻮﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻟﻌﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ «.‬ﺍﻭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺠﺎﺝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺳﺖﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻼﺷﻰ ﺟﺪﻯ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻰ‬
‫ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ )ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ( ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻝﺳﻌﻮﺩ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ »ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺸﺎﺍﷲ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ ﺩﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻧﺮﻡ« ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪ 500‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻇﻔﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﻆ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻝ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻍ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬
‫ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺮﺕ ﺣﻼﻭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺩﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺟﺰﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺸﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻨﻮﺩ ﻛﻔﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻌﺒﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﺍﻫﻼﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻡ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻕ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪«.‬‬
‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﭼﺮﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺷﻚ ﻭ ﺧﻤﭙﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻝ ﺳﻌﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻛﺸﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻠﺪﺭﻯ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ ﻭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬
‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮگ ﻭ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﻬﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻤﻚﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ‪ -‬ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﺘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺎﺝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻌﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻞ »ﺑﺎﻡ« ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ )ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﺎ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺍﻋﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ )ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ( ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬
‫ﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ( ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻓﻘﻴﺪ‬
‫‪‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ‬
‫ﺑﻰﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬