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‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ‪ 7‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 13‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ‪1394‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ‬

‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻡ«‪.‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍًﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ :‬ﺷ ّﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻗﺮﻥ )ﺑﺨﺶ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ(‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ »ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻠﻢﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰﻛﻪﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻛﺮﺍﻣﺎﺕﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪﻭﺑﻪﺧﻮﺭﺩﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ« ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ‬
‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰﻧﺒﻮﺩﻭﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻭﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﭙﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﻟﻮﺣﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﻪ‬
‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰﻫﻤﻪﺑﻪﺯﺑﺎﻥﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﻭﻟﻮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺁ ‪ ،Olivier Roy‬ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻴﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻧﺜﺮﻯ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻠﻂ ﻭ »ﺷﻠﻐﻢ ﺷﻮﺭﺑﺎ«‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ژﺍﻣﺒﻪ ‪ ،Christian Jambet‬ﻛﻠﺮ‬
‫ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ـ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻣﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺮ ‪ ،Clair Briee‬ﻭ ﭘﻰﻳﺮ ﺑﻼﻧﺸﻪ‬
‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻰ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻗﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ‬ ‫‪.Pierre Blanchet‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺿﺎً ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬
‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‬
‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻮﺋﺪﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ـ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎً‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﻛﻴﻨﻪﺗﻮﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻔﻴﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 1978‬ـ ‪1979‬‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺪﺭﻩ ﻓﻮﻧﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻟﻮﻣﻮﻧﺪ‬
‫ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﻚ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻨﻘﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻰ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻔﺼﻠﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ـ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ »ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻟﺤﻦ ﺷﺎﻋﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﺍﺭﺕ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ« ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻰ‬
‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ«‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ«‬
‫»ﺍﻧﺘﺴﺎﺏ« ﻣﺤﺮﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎپ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ـ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ـ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻟﻮﻣﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ژﺍﻥ ﭘﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬
‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻯ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻭ‬
‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ـ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻯ‬
‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬
‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯ ژﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻣﻰﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒ ًﺎ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺓ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣ ّﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ«‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﺪﻟّﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌ ّﻈﻤﻪ ﻧﻨﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺟﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﻭﻛﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1998‬ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺒﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻳﻜﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺷﺪ‬
‫»ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌ ًﺎ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ‬
‫ﺍ ﺷﺘﺒﺎ ﻫﺎ ﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺍ ﻗﻌﺎً ﺣﻴﺮ ﺕ ﺍ ﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﻫﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻧﻮﻓﻞ ـ ﻟﻮ ـ ﺷﺎﺗﻮ ﺳﻜﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﻜﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻰﺧﺎﺹﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻭﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ«‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﻨﺎﻣﺔ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﻯ )ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻟﻮﻣﻮﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ(‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ـ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ »ﻗﺪﻳﺲ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ«‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻤﻰ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩ »ﺁﺭﺍء ﻭ‬
‫ﻋﻼﻗﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻭ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺖ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ« ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﭼﭙﮕﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺟﺰ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺑﺎﻃﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ‪ 16‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ‬
‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﺩﺍﺩﻣﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺩﺧﻮﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‪ 1979‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻜﻰ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ـ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺾ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺧﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬
‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺃﺕ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻏﺎﻳﻂ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺎﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ـ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺗﻮﺃﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﻬﻦﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﭘﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﻮﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻟﺨﻼء ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻠﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻗﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﺓ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ‬
‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍً ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ‬
‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ »ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ« ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬
‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗﺒﺎً ﺭﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪ ﺭﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪ 1979‬ـ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻪ ﺗﺄﺳﻔﻰ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺩﮔﺮ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬
‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺷﻮﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬ـ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ«‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻠﻢﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩ ـ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫»‪ ...‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺃﺕ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﺑﺰﺭﮔﺶ )ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ« ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺬﺍﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ »ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻋﺎﻣﻰ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺳﻮﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ(‬
‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻴﻼﺕ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﻟﻮﺣﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﻟﻘﺐ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻊ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻻﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﮔﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ...‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻮﻣﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺗﻠﻘﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻًﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‪،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻰﺍﺳﺖﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﻮﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻼ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎً ﻧﻘﻞ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﻳﺶ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﺎً ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺽ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭﺭﻳﭽﺎﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺗﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻰﮔﻨﺎﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺿﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ‬
‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﻟﻮﺣﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﭘﻴﺘﺰﺑﻮﺭگ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﺑﻴﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺯﺭﺍﻋﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ‬
‫ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﻋﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺪﺭﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻴﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﺎً ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬
‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ« ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻧﮓ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﻤﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﮕﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﻟﺬﺕ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﺶ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ »ﻗﺪﻳﺲ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻧﻬﻀﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ »ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬
‫ﻓﺠﺎﻳﻊ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﻣﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ‬
‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻣﻰ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺃﺕ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻳﻖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻭ‬
‫ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺑﺎﺩﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 12‬ﻓﻮﺭﻳﻪ ‪ 1979‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻌﻰ ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬
‫ﺗﺨﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﺭﻳﭽﺎﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎً ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ »ﻧﻬﻀﺘﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬
‫ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﻣﺖ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻟﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ« ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺷﻮﻗﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻰ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﺴﺨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍًﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎ‬
‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻫﻤﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺧﻮﻥﺭﻳﺰﻯ« ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺭﺳﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﻟﻘﻚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ »ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻧﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻼﻫﺖ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ« ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻫﺮﻳﻤﻨﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺪ ﻭ ﺩ ﻯ ﺍ ﺯ ﺭ ﻭ ﺯ ﻧﺎ ﻣﻪ ﻧﻮ ﻳﺴﺎ ﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﻟﻮﺣﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺳﺎﺩﻩﻟﻮﺣﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪«...‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ژﺍﻙ ﻣﺎ ُﺩﻝ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﻟﻮﺣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺁﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻟﻮﻣﻮﻧﺪ »ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺳﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺗﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻕ‬
‫ﻣﺠﻼﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻟﻮﻣﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭژﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﻓﻴﮕﺎﺭﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ« ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻳﻜﺼﺪﺍ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺸﮕﺮ ﺑﻰﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﻞ ﮔﻮﺭﻓﻴﻨﻜﻞ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ »ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻠﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺍﻟُﺮﺁﻛﺘﻮﺋﻞ ﻭ ﭘﻰﻳﺮﺩﻭ ﻭﻳﻠﻤﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ‬
‫»ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ« ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ« ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ »ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺿﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺿﺪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﺎً‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﮔﺸﺎﻯ‬
‫ﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺭﺳﻤﺎً ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺝ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻚ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ«‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻨﺎً ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻰ‪.‬ﺑﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺠﺶ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻰ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ »ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﺑﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻟﻮﻣﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻥ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﭘﺮﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺼﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺨﻮﻟﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺘﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕﺍﻟﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺗﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﺑﺮﻳﻞ‬
‫ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺟﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺗﺰﻧﻒ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬
‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﺟﻴﻤﺲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ« ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ـ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫»ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻯ‪.‬ﻛﻚﺭﺍﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍﺗﮕﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰﺩﺍﻥ ـ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ »ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ« ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﻟﻮﺣﺎﻥ ـ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﻘﻒ ﺍﺭﺗﺪﻛﺲ ﺭﻭﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬
‫ﻫﻴﭽﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭگ« ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ »ﺩﻟﻘﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻧﻤﺎ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ـ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮژﻧﻒ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺟﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﺳﺶ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﭼﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ‬
‫ﻭ ﭘﻮﺯﺵ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺗﺶ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﭼﭙﻰﻫﺎ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ )ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻮﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺠﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺗﺠﻊ‬
‫ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ( ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻮ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﻧﺪ ـ ﺍِـ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻰﺩﺭﻧﮓ‬
‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫»ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎپ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻧﮕﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻧﮕﺮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻌﺪﺍً ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ »ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ« ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘِﺮ ُﺳﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ«‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﺎﺗﺰﻧﻒ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺍﻃﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﻭ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﻈﺮﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ‬
‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬
‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺿﺪ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻨﺎً ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﺨﺸﺶ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪:‬‬
‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬

‫)ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ(‬

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