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‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ‪ 29‬ﻣﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 4‬ژﻭﺋﻦ ‪2015‬‬

‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬

‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺼﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬
‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺒﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ »ﺳﺒﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ‪ 3‬ﻣﻮﺝ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ‬
‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ« ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﭘﺮ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ »ﺳﺒﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 76‬ﻭ ‪ 88‬ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺒﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﻋﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬
‫ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫»ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﺍﻋﺶ ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺃﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻼﺗﻔﺮﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺟﻤﻊﺑﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﮔﻰ‬
‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ‬
‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ »ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ« ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﺼﻞ‬
‫ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﺎﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ )ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ‪ /‬ﺩﻳﺴﻜﻮﺭﺱ( ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﮔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‪ 92‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺟﺰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻨﺠﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ‬
‫ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ »ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ«*‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎ ِﺕ‬
‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻧﻰ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﺳﺒﺰ« ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻢ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬
‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﺭﻫﻨﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ« ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻰ‬
‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻰ »ﺗﻜﺜﺮﮔﺮﺍ« ﻣﻰﻧﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬
‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ »ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ«‬ ‫»ﺳﺒﺰ« ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﭘﺴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫»ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫»»ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ »ﺳﺒﺰ« ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‪ -‬ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ‬
‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺸﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺸﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ«‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ‪ -‬ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ »ﺳﺒﺰ« ﻣﻰﻧﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻨﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ »ﻫﻤﻪ« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ‬
‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﭼﭗ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ »ﻫﻤﻪ« ﻫﺴﺖ‬
‫»ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻼﺷﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬
‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﮔﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ »ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ‬
‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺿﺪ ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻰ« ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‬
‫ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ »ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺍﻥ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺰﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮ‬
‫ﻣﻤﻜﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ 57‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 84‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ »ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺍﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ‬
‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪57‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ 60‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺛﻤﺮﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬
‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 67‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺗﻠﺦ« ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ! ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺛﻤﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪57‬‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﻋﻄﺎءﺍﷲ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ »ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﮕﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1367‬ﺳﺎﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫»ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬
‫ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥﻛﺸﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬
‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ »ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ« ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺰﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻰ( ﺭﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻧﻈﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻧﺴﻴﭗ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻝﺧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ«‪ .‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬
‫ﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ«‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬
‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﻰ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ »ﻧﻈﺎﻡ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﻨﻢ‬
‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺭﻳﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻮ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻓﺶ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‪-‬‬
‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬
‫ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻟﻤﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺟﺮﻯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ »ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫»ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ« ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ »ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﺶ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ…‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ‬
‫ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 92‬ﻛﺎﺳﻪ ﮔﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 92‬ﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻳﻚ »ﺧﻄﺮ« ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻨﮕﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬
‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫»ﻛﻢ ﺧﻄﺮﺗﺮ« ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ‬
‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ؟«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﻰﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‪،‬ﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ »ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫»ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ« ﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ »ﺗﻔﺘﻴﺶ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ«‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬
‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰﺍﺵ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 67‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻰ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ«‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﺎﻓﻰ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫»ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﻰ‬
‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ«‬
‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﺧﺸﻨﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﻋﺶ ﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﺮﻩ ﻭ‬
‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻛﻮ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺼﻮﺍﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ«‬
‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﮕﺸﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻧﻰ« ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬
‫* ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ‬
‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ« ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬

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