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‫آﺧﺮﯾﻦ وﯾﺪﺋﻮﻫﺎی ﺧﱪی در ﻟﻨﺰ اﯾﺮان‬ ‫‪KAYHAN LONDON ONLINE‬‬

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‫ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬
‫‪Page 16‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ )ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ( ـ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ 21‬ـ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ‪ 23‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1394‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪16‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪:‬‬
‫‪ 28‬ﺷﻮﺍﻝ ‪ 1436‬ﻗﻤﺮﻯ ـ ‪ 14‬ﺍﻭﺕ ‪ 2015‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ‬
‫ﻛﻴﻬـﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻬـﺎ ِﻥ ﻟﻨـﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻬـﺎ ِﻥ‬
‫‪No.21 Friday 14 August 2015‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺗـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧـﺪﻩ ﻧـﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻳـﺪ‬
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‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺑﺎ ِﺷﭙﻮﻝ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫‪‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬
‫‪-‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬
‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰﮔﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒﺷﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﻳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﺰﺭگ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬
‫ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪-‬ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭﺫﻫﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﮔﺮﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺍﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺯ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻣﺘﺮ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻤﺒﻞ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬
‫ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ »ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰﻃﻠﺒﻰ« ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻟﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺯﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﻰ ﻓﺮﺿﻰ‬
‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻫﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺷﭙﻮﻝ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ‬
‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺧﺼﻴﺼﻪ ﺫﺍﺗﻰ ﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻛﺘﺴﺎﺑﻰ‬
‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬
‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﺗﻤﺴﻔﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬
‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ‬
‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﻰﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﻮﺭ ﻭ‬
‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ پ‪.‬ﻙ‪.‬ﻙ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ )ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻛﺘﺴﺎﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ‬
‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻠﺞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺗﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬
‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﻫﺪﻑ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻭ ﺟﺴﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ(‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬
‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﻡ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮگ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺑﺮگ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻤﻰﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺳﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺻﻒ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻋﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻯ‬
‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﺁﻭﺭﺩﻯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﭗﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﺰء ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺩﺭ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻟﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬
‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻛﻮﺭﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻰ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻛﻤﭗﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1993‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺗﺪﺍﻓﻌﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺑﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﺍﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺧﺎﺻﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﻋﺶ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺰ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭼﺮﺥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻰ ﺷﻚ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻬﺎﺑﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻯ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺠﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬
‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬
‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎء ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻯ‪،‬‬
‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫‪‬ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﺿﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻴﺾ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦﮔﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬
‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﭘﺮ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ پ‪.‬ﻙ‪.‬ﻙ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺮﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ‪.‬‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺷﻤﺎﺑﺮﺳﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻰﺍﺳﻜﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 37‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺯﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫پ‪.‬ﻙ‪.‬ﻙ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﻭ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻰﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻰﻛﻪ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ‬
‫ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺩ‬
‫ﺟﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﻡ‬
‫ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬
‫ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ‪ 35‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫‪‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﮕﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬

‫ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬
‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ‬
‫ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺸﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻯ‬

‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬

‫‪‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﺍً ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬

‫ﻯ‪.‬پ‪.‬گ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ‬

‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻯ‬

‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ‬

‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬

‫پ‪.‬ﻙ‪.‬ﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬
‫‪-‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ‬
‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻙ‬
‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ؟‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻫﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﻨﺪﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ‬
‫‪-‬ﻯ پ گ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ )ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﻮﻑ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻯ پ گ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻜﻰ ﺍﺷﺒﺎﻩ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ(‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1993‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻧﺴﺒﻰ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﻭ‬
‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ‬
‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،2003‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬
‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﻤﭗﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻭ ﻛﻤﭗﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ‬
‫ﺣﺲ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬

‫‪‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﭙﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ‪.‬‬

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