Page 15 - (کیهان لندن - سال سى و دوم ـ شماره ۵۵ (دوره جديد

‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ 15‬ـ ‪ Page 15‬ـ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪55‬‬
‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ‪ 15‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 21‬آورﯾﻞ ‪2016‬‬

‫ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫»ﭘﻤﭙﺎژ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ«؛ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭ‬

‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺯﻡ ‪ -‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ«‬
‫ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﻗﻮﻣﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﭘﺲ‬
‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰ ‪ 11‬ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪2015‬‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ« ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﻮﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﺼﺮ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬
‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫»ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻭﺣﺸﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ« ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺁﻣﻴﺰﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻧﺶ ﻛﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎ‬
‫ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻢ؛ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ »ﻫﻴﭻ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺼﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺳﺮ ﻣﺎﺭ« ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ »ﻫﻴﭻ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﺟﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺯﻡ‪ :‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍژﻩ »ﻓﺰﺭﺗﻰ« ﺭﺍ!‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ »ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺳﻨﺞ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫‪ 92‬ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﺼﺮ‬
‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺗﺶ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫»ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ« ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻰ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ »ﻧﻜﻮﻫﺶ« ﻧﻘﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﺍﺩ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻧﺤﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬
‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﺮﺩ؛ »ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺯﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬
‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺭﻳﻨﺎ‬ ‫»ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ‬
‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻟﺠﻮﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ«‪» ،‬ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺧﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ؟ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬
‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ » ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ« ﻭ »ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻝ‬ ‫»ﭘﺎﺱﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ« ﻭ »ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬
‫ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ« ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﺎﻝ ﻧﺤﻴﻒ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺯﺩﻩ« ﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯﺍﺵ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻯﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬
‫ﻭﻯ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ :‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻛﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻛﺮﻯ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻳﻴﻞ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺑﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺻﺒﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺯﻧﮕﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺴﺒﺐ« ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬
‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺟﻊ »ﺳﻮﻡ ﺷﺨﺺ«ﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻠﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﺴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻯ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺎ« ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﻫﻘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺯﺩﻭﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﮔﺬﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻘﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ‪ 84‬ﻭ ﻓﺎﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬
‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ »ﻳﺎﻭﻩﮔﻮ«‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 28‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺶ »ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ« ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ » :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻧﻄﺎﻣﻰ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻳﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬
‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎً ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪» .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻗﻠﻰ ﺷﻜﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﻭ »ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ«‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﻧﻚ«؛ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﻮﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫»ﭘﺮﺗﻮﮔﺮﺍﻓﻰ«ﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﻤﭙﺎژ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ‬
‫ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ« ﺍﺣﺪﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪» ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ« ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ‬
‫ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎ »ﺳﺮ ﻣﺎﺭ« ﺭﺍ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺧﻂ‬
‫ﻣﺨﻔﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﺳﺖﻳﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻄﻼﻧﻰ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﺵﻛﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ‬
‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬
‫»ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻰ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻢﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ »ﺩﺭﻳﻮﺯﮔﻰ‬
‫ﺩﻋﻮﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﻳﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﭘﻴﭽﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ« ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺳﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ »ﻧﺮﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ« ﺧﻂ ﺑﻄﻼﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ »ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﭽﻪ ﻣﺎﺭ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 6‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﺼﺮ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﻼء ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 96‬ﻭ »ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺳﺎﻟﺒﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﻮﻯ »ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ«‬
‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﮕﻰ« ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﺑﺮ‬
‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ »ﻏﻴﺮﺕ«‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺷﻴﺮ«‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﻔﺲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺳﻦ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ »ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ«‬
‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻓﻘﻂ ‪17‬‬ ‫*ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﻭﺑﺴﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﺤﺎﻡﻧﻴﻮﺯ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ«ﺍﺵ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩﺍﻡ؛ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻭ‬
‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬
‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ »ﺻﺮﻳﺢ« ﻭ »ﺷﺠﺎﻉ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬
‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬
‫ﺳﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺟﻮﻳﻰﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫»ﺻﺮﻳﺢﺗﺮ« ﻭ »ﺷﺠﺎﻉﺗﺮ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺪﻩ‬
‫ﻭﻛﻴﻠﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺟﻨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﻝﺁﺑﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻰﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻠﺠﺎء ﻭ ﭘﻨﺎﻩﮔﺎﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻤﺎﺗﺖ‬
‫ﻧﺮﺥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﻣﺦﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻰ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺩﺍﻋﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ‬
‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻔﻮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﺒﻬﻰ‬ ‫ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬
‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎ‬
‫ﺻﻒ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺩﻳﺪﻥﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ‪،‬ﺭﻭﻯﻋﻜﺲﻛﻠﻴﻚﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﻭﻳﺎﺑﻪﺳﺎﻳﺖﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥﻟﻨﺪﻥﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺪﺋﻮ‬
‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻔﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬
‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻻﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬
‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺳﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﻳﺘﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ‬
‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻯ ﭼﻮﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬
‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫)ﻧﺎﻳﺎﻙ( ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺤﺴﻨﻰ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ‬
‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ« ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺩﺍﻋﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺍﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﮋﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ »ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻰ ﺍﺯ‬
‫‪ 1979‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻋﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﺦ ﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻻﺑﻰ‬
‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫‪18‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫»ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ« ﮔﺎﻫﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬
‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ‪ 18‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬
‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﻛﻰ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻦ ‪ 18‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ‬
‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺳﺎﻟﺒﻬﻰ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﺪ ‪ 23‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺴﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻋﻔﻮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺣﺪﺍﻻﻗﻞ ‪ 160‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬