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‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ‪ 22‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ‪ 28‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪1394‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ‬

‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺫﻯﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺮﻧﮓ ‪ -‬ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ »ﺧﻂ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ« ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺮﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﺿﻌﻴﻒﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ »ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﺰﻙ« ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬
‫ﺣﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﮔﺮﺩﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺯﻝ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻯ‬
‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﻭﺁﻗﺎﻯﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﺑﺎﺣﺴﻦﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬
‫ﻳﻚ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﮔﻴﺞﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ« ﻣﻰﻧﺎﻣﺪ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻﺍﻳﻦﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﺑﻪﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻔﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ]ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻫﺮﺍﺱﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ[ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬
‫ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺳﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﺳﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬
‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬
‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺰﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬
‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬
‫‪ ‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﺮﺥ‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺯﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰﻭﻧﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﺩﺳﺖﻳﺎﺑﻰﺑﻪﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﺭﺍﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺑﺎﺷﺪﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ »ﺧﻂ‬
‫ﻧﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ« ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬
‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺵ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻰ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﺎﺹ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‬
‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻨﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻓﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﻟﻮﺍﭘﺴﺎﻥ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﺑﺮﺍﻓﻜﻦ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬
‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 3‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 4‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬
‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 12‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﭘﺴﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬
‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ‬
‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻰ »ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺭﻓﺘﻢ‬
‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻒﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬
‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷﻮﻛﺖﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﺮﻯﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ »ﺑﺰﻙ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ«‬
‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬
‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰﻳﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯﻣﺤﻜﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪﺗﺎﭘﺲﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ‬
‫ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎء ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﺫﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺳﺨﻨﻰﺭﺍﺗﻨﻬﺎﺑﺮﺍﻯﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬
‫ﺑﻠﻮﭼﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺎﻫﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻗﺪﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﺩﺭﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕﺍﺯﻭﺍﻡ‪ 25‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖﺍﻣﺎﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥﺗﺎﺯﻩﻧﻔﺲﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯﭘﻴﺪﺍﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬
‫ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭ ﻭ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪﺗﺎﻧﺮﺥﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖﺑﺎﻻﻯ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻤﺮ ﺭﻛﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬
‫ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺸﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ ‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺳﺨﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬
‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰﺑﻪﻫﺮﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪﻭﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﻫﻢ‬
‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﻛﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻫﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺷﻤﺎﺍﻳﻦﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪﺭﺍﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺻﻒﺑﻨﺪﻯ‬
‫ﺳﻬﻢ ﺷﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺮﺳﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻜﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭘﺴﺎ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﺭﻳﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﺧﻂ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‬
‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﻮﺷﻰ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺑﻪﺁﻥﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺭﺍﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬
‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﻒﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﺭﺍﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬
‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ؟‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ -‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺏ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻮﺱ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻩ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ‬
‫‪ ‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻻﺭﻓﺘﻦﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖﻧﻈﺎﻡﻛﻤﻚﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬
‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ‪ 3‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻭﻡ‬
‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ‬
‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦﻧﻈﺎﻡﺍﺳﺖﻛﻪﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬
‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺑﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬
‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬
‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬
‫‪ 30‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺳﻮﻓﻴﻞ«)ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ(ﻭ»ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻧﻮﻓﻴﻞ«‬
‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫)ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ( ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﻜﻮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺪﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬
‫‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬
‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻣﻨﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬
‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻯ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷﺪ ﻃﻼﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻯ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ »ﺑﺰﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺘﻜﺎﺭ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ‬
‫ﻭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‬
‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﻟﻠﻬﻰ‬
‫ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎء ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ‬
‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻰ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯﻭﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬
‫ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺨﻔﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬

‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬
‫ﺗﻤﺎﺱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻫﺎ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺱ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻮﻣﻨﻴﻦﻭﺳﺮﺍﻥﺁﻧﻬﺎﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪﺁﻗﺎﻯﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻰ‬

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