Page 12 - (کیهان لندن - سال سى و دوم ـ شماره ۴۹ (دوره جديد

‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ؛‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪ - Page 12 - 12‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪49‬‬
‫ﺧﻂ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ‪ 14‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 20‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ‪1394‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ‬

‫ﻓﻘ ِﺮ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻰ ﻟﻴﺎﻗﺘ ِﻰ‬
‫»ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ«‬

‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﺍﻏﻠﻮ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺘﻜﻴﻦ ﺁﺫﺭﻣﻬﺮ ‪ -‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ‬

‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺳ ِﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳ ِﻰ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ« ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬

‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺗﻼﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﻙﺁﺯﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﻭﻧﻪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ‬

‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ِﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻡ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ‬

‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍ َﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬

‫ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳ ِﻰ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‬

‫ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺬﺭ‬ ‫»ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻯ ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻣﺸﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬

‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ِﺭﻯ‬

‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻣﺸﻖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ُﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬

‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺗﻘﻰ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺘﻜﻴﻦ ﺁﺫﺭﻣﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺿﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻯ‬
‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ‬
‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ »ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟«‬

‫ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻣﺸﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ُﺧﻢ ﺭﻧﮕﺮﺯﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻧﻤﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻭﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ‬
‫ﺯﺑﺎ ِﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﺍ ِﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻤﭙﻴﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻟﻰ‬
‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻃﻰ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻘ ِﺮ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،2003‬ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ُﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻰ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺘ ِﻰ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌ ِﻰ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ‪ -‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍ ِﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻ ّﺤﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻋﻮﺽ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ« ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻋﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻯ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻼ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ُﻛﺮﺩ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺏ ﻧﻤﻚ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 7‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺭ ّﺩ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻠّﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺭﻯﺷﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻛﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺾ‬
‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻯ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﻃﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬
‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺣﺰﺏ ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ‬
‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ )پ ﻙ ﻙ( ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪ 7‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ )ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺣﺴﻦ‬
‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻩﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺑﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺮﻉ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﻙ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ(‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐﻫﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ُﻛﺮﺩ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻯ ‪ 60‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬
‫)ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ -‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ– ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ( ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺧﻪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮ‬
‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1984‬ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺕ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﭙﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺄﻳﻴ ِﺪ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻯ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﻼﻡ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ »ﭼﻪ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻜﻤﻞ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﺪ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟« ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‬
‫ﻣﺼﺮﻓﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ »ﺁﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ‬
‫ﺑﻌﻼﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ‬
‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ؟« ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻫﺪﻑ‬
‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ِﻙ »ﺷﻌﺒﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ«‬
‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ‬
‫ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺮژﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ‬
‫ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ّﺳﻞ‬
‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﺪﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬

‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﮋﻥ‬

‫ﺟﺰﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ »ﻣﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﻯ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺣﺖﺗﺮ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ‬

‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬

‫»ﺛﺎﺑﺖ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﭘﺎ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬

‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬

‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ )ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻣﺸﻖ(‬ ‫ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻯ‬

‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻯ‬

‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﺍﻏﻠﻮ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻯﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬
‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ »ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬
‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ« ﻳﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰﻫﺎ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬
‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖﺍﺵ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺭﻯﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ »ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑُﺮﺩﻧﺪ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪﻯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ‪ 9‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻙ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﻴﺲ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ُﺭﺑﻮﺩﻥ )ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺸﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 29‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ،1393‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻠﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﻪﻯ »ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ »ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ« ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻣﻬﺪﻯﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ »ﺍﺧﺘﻼﺱ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ«‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ‬ ‫ﻋ ّﻤﻪﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﻓﺮﻣﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻣﺎﻝ« ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﮔﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺣﻠﻘﻪﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ؛ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ‬

‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ُﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺳﻮﻡ(‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ِﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻯ‬
‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬
‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ« )ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﻳﺸﻬﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺪ ِﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻣﻰﻭﺭﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ُﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺣﻖ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺴﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﺍﺧﺘ ِﻦ ﻣﺎﺭ ِﺵ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻒ‬
‫ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪(1383 ،‬‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮ ِﺽ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻝﻣﺸﻐﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ‪» ،‬ﻣﺤ ّﻠﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎ ِﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ« ﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﻭ ﺻﺮ ِﻑ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ‪60‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺪ‬
‫ﻛﻮﺩﻙﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻨﺴﻰ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺁﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﻗﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺭﺍ »ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩﻯ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻰ‬
‫ﻳﺎ »ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ« ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺳﻜﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬
‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ »ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ« ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻕ ﻭ َﻛﺮﻧﺎﻯ‬
‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﺨﻮﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎ ِﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻌﻪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻫﺮﻣﻰﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩ ّﺭﻯ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎ ِﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺷﺪ؛ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩﻯ‬
‫ﺩﮔﺮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻥﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﻣﻠّﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻛ ّﻠﻴﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻯ ‪ 70‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻰ ﺑﻰ ﺳﻰ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺨﻴﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬
‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻰ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺭﺳﻴﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺯﺧ ِﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬
‫ﻛﻪ »ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻣﺸﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫*ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪the commentator :‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳ ِﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻯ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬
‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻗﺎﺗﻼﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫*ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻢ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﻛﺒﺮﻯ‬
‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺴﻰ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬