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‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ‪ 17‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ ‪ 23‬ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ ‪2015‬‬

‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ‬
‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ 5+1‬ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﺮﻭﺯ‬
‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ«‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ *598‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺧﻠﺨﺎﻟﻰ ﻃﻰ ﺣﻜﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﺮ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﻛﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬
‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ »ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ« ﺩﺭ ‪ 29‬ﺗﻴﺮ‬
‫‪ 1367‬ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻰ‪» ،‬ﺟﺎﻡ ﺯﻫﺮﺁﻟﻮﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ« ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ« ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ‬
‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬
‫»ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻒ‬
‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ« ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬
‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ‬
‫)ﺧﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺧﻠﺨﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪ ،2‬ﺹ ‪.(54‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻨﺪﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬
‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺟﺎﻡ ﺯﻫﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺭﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ«‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ‬
‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ‬
‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﺻﻔﻮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻗﺼﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬
‫ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻴﺒﺮ )ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 20‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻯ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻯ‬
‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻛﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻭﺯ ﻏﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻤﺐ‬
‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ( ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ«‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﻃﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ »ﺑﻤﺐ ﺍﺗﻢ« ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭﻗﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬
‫ﺭﺍﺯﻳﻨﻰ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﻭﻧﻤﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬
‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ‪»» :‬ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺟﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻴﺰﺭﻯ ﻭ ]ﺍﺗﻤﻰ[ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻭ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ )ﺭﻩ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻡ ﺯﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬
‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ »ﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ« ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺶ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻠﺰﻭﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ »ﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪﺍﻥ )ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺻﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬
‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ( ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ‪ 40‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻯ ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﻴﺪ‬
‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻰ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻗﻰ )ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ‬
‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬
‫ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻭ( ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ )ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ( ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ… ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻭ »ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﺷﻮﻕ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ… ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬
‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ«‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ )ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺯﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﺍﺿﻰ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﻯ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ‬
‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻ ‪ 4‬ﻳﺎ ‪ 5‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ (67‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺮﻭﺋﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ«‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬
‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺣﻴﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﻏﻨﻰ ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ‬
‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻧﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﺭﺏ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ‬
‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺳﺨﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﻭﻏﻨﻰ ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻧﻰ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪»» :‬ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﺠﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴﻠﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪﺍﺵ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺮ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﺁﺭﺍﻡﮔﺎﻩﺧﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪،‬ﻣﺤﻞﺩﻓﻦﺑﻰﻧﺎﻡﻭﻧﺸﺎﻥﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ 67‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺟﻨﺎﺯﻩ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻳﺄﺱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ‬
‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺶ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬
‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪20‬‬
‫ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺑﻪ ‪ 50‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ«‪.‬‬
‫ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻰ ﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬
‫ﺳﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ« ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻭﻗﺖﻭﺍﻛﺒﺮﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 8‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪64‬‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﺻﻔﻮﻯ‪،‬‬
‫ﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺣﻜﻤﺶ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺨﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻣﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺸﺮﺩﻭﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻳﻰ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﻴﺪ‬
‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬
‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ‬
‫»ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ]ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻠﻰﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ[ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﺵ‬
‫ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺎﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺁﺏ‬
‫ﭘﺎﻛﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ«‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪:‬‬
‫»ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ« ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬ ‫»ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﺪ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻠﻪﺍﻯ‬
‫ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻌﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺲﺗﻠﺦ ﻭ ﮔﺰﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬

‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺭﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻰ‬

‫)ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 25‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ (1367‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 9‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬

‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﻭ‬

‫* ﻧﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺮگ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫* ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ‪ 9‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 23‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1367‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‬

‫‪ 2800‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 3800‬ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ )ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ( ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﻢ ‪2‬‬

‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ )ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 13‬ﻭ ‪ 14‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪(1367‬‬

‫ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‬

‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬

‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 598‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ‪ 10‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 14‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪4‬‬

‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ »ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﺮگ« ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ‬

‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺖ )ﭼﭗ( ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬

‫ﻓﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬
‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻴﺲ ﻧﻘﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻏﻼﻣﭙﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻣﻌﻠﻰ ﺭﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ‬
‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻋﻼﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻴﻖﺩﻭﺳﺖ‬
‫)ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ( ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ‬

‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻣﺨﻔﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ«‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﻏﻨﻰ ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﺍﻣﻮﻳﻰ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ«‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 65‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ‬
‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﻯﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺗﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﺩ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ‪ 2‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻰ ﻛﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ«‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 5000‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬
‫»ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 1‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺯﻫﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻡ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ«‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ 598‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 67‬ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ«‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ‬
‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﻓﻴﻖﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻇﻬﻴﺮ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ‬
‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ”ﺯﻳﭗ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻥ“ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻭ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ‪ 2‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1367‬ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺍﺯﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ 67‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﻧﺮﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻗﻮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ -1 :‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺑﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ » :‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﺻﻔﻮﻯ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻉ‬
‫ﺧﺮﻣﺸﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ ﺳﻌﺪﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﮔﻴﺮ * ﻣﺘﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻯ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻮﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺋﻢ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﺪ‪ -2 .‬ﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺖ‬
‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ‪15‬‬