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‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ‪ 29‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ‪ 4‬ﺗﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪1394‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ‬

‫ﻣﻦ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳ ﮔﻰﺰﺍﺭﺵﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫‪ 6‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ ﺳﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻓﻘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫‪ 88‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ« ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﻣﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺭﺃﻯ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬
‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ «88‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬
‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ«‪ .‬ﻭﻯ ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ]ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ[ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊﺑﺎﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬
‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺥ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 25‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫‪ 88‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 3‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ )ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺴﺎ‪-‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬
‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ( ﺭﻭﺯﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫]ﺷﻬﻴﺎﺩ[ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰﻛﺮﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩﺭﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯﻣﻮﺭﺩﺑﺤﺚ‪ ،‬ﺧﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ]ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ[ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﻟﻘﺐ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ‬
‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬
‫ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪﺗﻨﻬﺎﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥﺁﻥﺭﺍﺑﺎﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ]ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬
‫ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ[ ﻭ ]ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺧﻠﻖ[‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ »ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ«‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬
‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ »ﺧﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﻮﻳﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﺴﺎ‪-‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝﻫﺎ« ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻜﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ]ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ[ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ«‬
‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪57‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ‬
‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻘﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﻭﺍﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﻫﺎﺷﻢ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻮﺵ ﺁﺳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﻓﺮ‬ ‫»ﺭﺃﻯ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ »ﺣﻖ« ﺧﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻝﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻥ ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻭﻭﺩ ﺻﺪﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻯ ﺳﺠﺎﺩ ﻗﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺣﻤﺘﻰ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﻏﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬
‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍ ﺁﻗﺎﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻬﺮﺍﺏ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ«‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻻﻣﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ‬
‫»ﻣﻄﻠﻖﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﮔﻮﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 37‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ‬
‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ« ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﭘﺮﺍﮔﻤﺎﺗﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻕ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫]ﻋﻤﻞﮔﺮﺍﻳﻰ[ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺴﺎ‪-‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 25‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻌﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺟﺮﻣﻰﻧﺎﺑﺨﺸﻮﺩﻧﻰﺍﺯﺳﻮﻯ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺗﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰﺭﺍﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﻭ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﺟﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﻫﻢﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻓﺘﻨﻪ« ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ« ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﺑﻬﺎﺭ« ﺁﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻯ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭ« ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ‬
‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ‬
‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻯﺩﺭﭼﻨﺪﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬
‫ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 8‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ‪ 4‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻳﻚ‬
‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ‪70‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬
‫ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮓ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻰ‬
‫ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﻫﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻡ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺰﻙ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻯ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 92‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﺪﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ 2‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻩ ‪2‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫‪ 25‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻰﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻛﺴﺎﻝ ]ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺩ[‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﻰﻧﻴﺎﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻢﭼﻮﻥ »ﻋﺎﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻯ ﻧﺪﺍ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺿﻌﻒﺍﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻴﻪ« ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺩﻩﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ‬ ‫»ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ« ﻭ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ« ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 92‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ‬
‫ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻫﺮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺧﺎﻙ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻰ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪ؟‬
‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬
‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺰﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ‬
‫ﺟﺪﻯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟ﺁﻳﺎﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺩﺭﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻰ‬
‫ﺷﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬
‫‪ 6‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻳﺄﺱ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻫﺎﻯﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﻰﻛﻪﺩﺭﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬
‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ؟‬
‫ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩ«‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﻮﻳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ‬
‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻠﻨﺪﺭﻓﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺿﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﺪﻥﺑﻪﭘﺮﺳﺶﻣﺎﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ‬
‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺍﮔﻤﺎﺗﻴﺴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‬
‫ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏﮔﺮ )ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ« ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻰﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ( ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ« ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻰّﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺳﻨﮓ ﺑﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻬﺪﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺳﺒﺰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﺑﺨﺶ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺎ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻳﺄﺱ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 88‬ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪ ﺗﻦ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺘﻴﻮﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ]ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ[ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‬
‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ‬
‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺣﺼﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸﻰ ﺯﺩ ﻓﻜﺮ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﺭﻫﻨﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺠﺖﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ‬
‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬
‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ »ﻓﺘﻨﻪﮔﺮ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪﺩﺍﺷﺖﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻰﻛﻪﺩﺭﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬
‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺼﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬
‫*ﺍﺳﺎﻣﻰ ‪ 122‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻥ‬
‫ﭘﺲﺍﺯ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ 88‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩﺑﺎﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻰ ﻣﺮگ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ‬
‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ)ﺑﻪ ﻭﺏ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺷﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﻮﻳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺷﻮﺩ(‬

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