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‫ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ‪ 17‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﻨﺠﺸﻨﺒﻪ‪ 23‬ﻣﻬﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪1394‬ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻯ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 2007‬ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬
‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺮﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻣﻠﻰ ]ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ[ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺨﺸﺶ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻧﺪ ﺷﺎﺭﻣﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡﺟﻮﻳﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭ ﻳﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﺗﻤﺎ ﮔﺎﻧﺪﻯ ﻧﻘﻞ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺍﺩﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﻫﺎﺗﻤﺎ ﮔﺎﻧﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻼﺣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻧﺎﻡﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﺗﺮ ﻭ‬
‫ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻳﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﻍ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ »ﺩﮔﺮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﺘﻰﻣﻠ ِﻰﺑﺪﻭﻥﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ »ﺑﺨﺸﺶ ﺟﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ« ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻰﺁﺯﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﺭﻧﺘﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻉ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻧﻠﺴﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻥ ﻛﻰ ﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ« ﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ »ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﮔﺎﻧﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺻﻠﺢﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻗﺼﺎﺹ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺖﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ‬
‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠﻮ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ »ﺟﺎﺑﺠﺎﻳﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻰ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻭﺍﻻﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬
‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺼﻮﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ »ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺠﻨﮕﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﺳﺨﻦ‬
‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋ ِﻰﺑﺪﻭﻥﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺖ؟ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ«‪.‬‬
‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻧﺪﻯ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺁﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﺑﻰ‬
‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺪﻳﺸﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻧﻤﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ‬
‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻴﻨﻰﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺑﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ »ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭﺍﻭﻳﺶ ﮔﻨﺎﺑﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺨﺸﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ« ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﻚ‬
‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺎﺩﻩ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﺪﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﻚ« ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﻭﻳﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻰ ﺣﺮﻣﺘﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ‬ ‫)ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ (2004‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ »ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻯ ‪ 30‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﺮﻭﺯ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﮔﺎﻧﺪﻯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺼﺐ‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﻮﻧﻴﺎ ﮔﺎﻧﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺰﻣﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺗﻮ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﺍ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺍﻭﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺿﺪﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻇﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﮔﺎﻧﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺖ ﮔﺸﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻦ ﻧﺴﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻐﻮ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺖﺍﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎ ﻡﺁﻭ ﺭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ‬
‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻫﻨﺪﺍﺱ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻣﭽﺎﻧﺪ ﮔﺎﻧﺪﻯ* ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﺎﺗﻤﺎ )ﺭﻭﺡ ﺑﺰﺭگ( ﮔﺎﻧﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻭﺟﻬﻰ ﺑﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﭘﻮ )ﭘﺪﺭ( ﻣﻰﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ »ﺳﺎﺗﻴﺎﺍﮔﺮﺍﻫﺎ«** ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ‬
‫ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬
‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺗﻴﺎ )ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ( ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮﺍﻫﺎ )ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ( ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ )ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ »ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ« ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺸﻰ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ( ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺎﻧﺪﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍ ِﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ‬
‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻼﻭ ﻫﺎﻭﻝ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻨﺎﻩﻛﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻯ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ‬
‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻯ ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻯ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﮔﺎﻧﺪﻯ ﻣﺒﺘﻜﺮ ﻭ‬
‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺬﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬
‫»ﺿﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﻼﺯﻫﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫»ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﮔﺎﻧﺪﻯ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺘﻞ ﮔﺎﻧﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬
‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺼﺐ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻗﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻨﺪ‬
‫»ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﻓﺎً‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ‬
‫ﻛﻮﺷﺸﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻤﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻧﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺴﺎﻫﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻮﻭﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻛﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﮔﻮﻳﻰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ« ﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﮔﺎﻧﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬
‫ﻧﺎﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬
‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﮔﺎﻧﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺟﻨﺴﻰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺗﺮﻛﻴﻨﮓ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯﻃﻠﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﻩﭘﻮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻠﺴﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻻ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺿﺪ‬
‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ]…[ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﻟﺦ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﺎ‬
‫ﺿﺎﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳﻼﻭ ﻫﺎﻭﻝ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬
‫ﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻜﺴﻠﻮﺍﻟﻜﻰ‬
‫ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮓ ﺳﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﭼﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻰﺧﻮﺍﻩ‬
‫ﺑﺮﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻻﻳﻰ ﻻﻣﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﺳﻼﻭ ﻫﺎﻭﻝ‪ -‬ﭼﻜﺴﻠﻮﺍﻛﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﺎﺗﻤﺎ )ﺭﻭﺡ ﺑﺰﺭگ( ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‬

‫ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﻩﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﮔﺎﻧﺪﻯ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬
‫‪ 88‬ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ«‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖﺟﻮﻳﻰ‬
‫‪ 88‬ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ 57‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‬
‫ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠﻮ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫)ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ »ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﻰﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ؟ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﺶ‬
‫ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ * ‪Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi‬‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ؟ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ؟ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ** ‪Satyagraha‬‬
‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ؟ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ؟«‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪﻛﻨﻴﺪ(‪.‬‬

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